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The formation process of the Uzbek people has gone through a long historical path. Various clans, tribes and peoples lived in the territories of modern Uzbekistan in different periods of history.
In this article, we will try to provide some information about the Kungirot Uzbeks who lived in the northern mountainous part of the Surkhandarya region, Boysun district and foothills, and Sherabad district, as well as their family relationships. Kungirot Uzbeks are divided into 5 main large parts:
- Attached.
- Oktamgali.
- Kanjigali.
- Lunar.
- Tortuvli.
In the legend of the origin of bells, it is recognized that the origin of all bells can be traced back to a common ancestor. Let's give a short excerpt from this legend. "When an old man was on his horse looking for his lost camels across the steppe, he encountered 40 horsemen [1]. The horsemen asked the old man if he had seen a bird that brings good luck and wealth. They told the old man that it was the "state bird" of their king, and before his death, the king made a will: "When I die, let my bird go, whoever it flies to, let that person be appointed king. Now our king has died, according to his will we released the "State Bird", so we are looking for him" [2, p. 370]. The old man says that he did not see this bird, but he saw a very happy gray boy in the meadow below the hill. The riders asked the old man to show them the place - "our bird might be there". The old man agreed, and soon they came to the place where the young man was lying and saw a "state bird" with its wings spread above him, and in the shadow of the bird the young man was asleep. The riders woke the young man up, told him about the dead king's will and asked him to go with them to become king. The young man agreed and asked for a horse. One of the riders gave him his own horse. The young man sat on it, but the horse could not bear his weight and fell down. After trying all the best horses of the riders, the young man asked the old man to give him his horse, because he was sure that it was the old man's horse that could withstand his weight. In return, he promised to reward the old man for this service when he became king. The old man agreed, and the young man rode the old man's horse to the palace. The old man's horse was brown [3, p. 13-295]. After some time, the old man heard that this young man had been elected king. The old man set off to collect his reward. He was not allowed to meet the king. The old man approached the palace from the side and began to shout "the owner of the brown horse". The young king heard this and ordered to call the old man to him. The old man talked with the king and spent the night in the palace that day. In the morning, the king asked the old man to appoint a reward for him. The old man asked the king to give him the steppes for settlement. The king granted her request and asked her what other wishes she had. The old man looked around and saw women. The king asked the young man to marry one of them. The king complied with this request. The old man returned home with his young wife on his horse. The old man had 4 sons, each of them had his own nickname. These nicknames are as follows: Koshtamgali, Oktamgali, Kanjigali, Oinli. The old man announced the king's reward to them. His sons began to abuse the old man for asking for a small gift. The old man got angry, divided his livestock and property between them, took his share and went with his young wife to another steppe, to the Baisun mountains. Since then, this old man and his sons began to be known as bells. In Boisun mountains, the old man had 6 sons from his new wife, whom people called Tortuvli from the word tartiq – gift [4, p. 487-516]. Thus, the legend explains all the names of the main divisions of the bell and links them to one parent. It is worth mentioning that it was Boysun who lived in Tortuvli subdivision.
The classification of names related to kinship between calls deserves special attention. The features of the kinship classification system are very clear here. A term, for example, brother or sister, is used not only for biological brothers and sisters, but also includes the whole family of close and distant relatives on the father's and mother's side. Obviously, these terms represent characteristics related to age rather than true kinship. The term brother or sister is usually used to refer to any man or woman, even strangers from completely different clans, father or grandfather is used to refer to any older man who looks older than the speaker, similarly, any older woman or old woman is mother or momo to a younger speaker [6, p. 51-109].
These examples can be supplemented by the older call to call any young man brother (a term used to denote a biological brother) and sister (a term used to denote a biological sister). We can further observe the age-related meaning of these terms. For example, son-in-law is represented by two different terms: yazna - for adults, and son-in-law – for younger people. Also, the term bride has two types: checha and bride. It is worth noting that when naming relatives in calls, in the kinship system, relatives are initially grouped by age. In the case of names belonging to paternal relatives, this assumption is confirmed in the following example. If a younger uncle is older than a nephew, the nephew calls him brother just like his biological brother, but if this uncle is younger than his nephew, the nephew calls him brother like his biological brother. On the contrary, in the second case, the uncle calls his nephew a brother, like his biological brother. This example does not apply to the mother's brother, that is, the uncle, in which case, regardless of age, he remains the same uncle for the niece [7, p. 51-109]. The closest relatives of Kongrots are children born from the same father and mother (birth child). It should be noted that the children of "born children" can marry each other, so there is a custom of marriage between cousins, aunts, uncles, and cousins. Next in terms of kinship are "paternal" children, that is, children born from the same father but different mothers. On the next level in terms of closeness are "emikdosh", that is, children born from the same mother, but different fathers [8, p. 211]. Children of different fathers and mothers are also considered close relatives, such children are breastfed by the same woman and are called "breastfed relatives". There are also cases where a woman takes the baby of her dead friend and feeds it with her breast. This adopted child is a milk relative for his children. All of the above terms, except the last one, refer to true consanguinity and apply equally to men and women. In these categories of kinship, marriages between cousins, cousins, cousins, cousins are allowed and practiced [9, p. 338].
According to the bells, despite the fact that relatives on the father's side are closer than others, in life it turns out to be the opposite. They see this, for example, in the fact that paternal relatives live less often together or in close proximity to each other, help each other less in life's difficulties, and quarrel more often. Relatives on the mother's side are close-knit, mutually supportive and often live together. Maternal kinship has certain limits, after which kinship may disappear altogether. This is explained by the following example: the grandson of my aunt's children will be a "knife boy" to my grandchildren, and their children will be an "enemy child" to each other. It is known that among a number of Turkic nationalities, the mother's brother has a special place in relation to the children of the mother's sister. This is especially evident in providing material support to the nephew. Between the calls, the nephew treats his uncle with great respect, but does not receive from him the material support or the gifts that should be given. Such help is provided by their uncles, according to the residents of the village. However, there is a proverb in the bells, which indicates that the nephew has the right to the uncle's property to a certain extent. About the meaning of this proverb, the bells give the following interpretation: "Even if I come to my uncle's house, open his chest and take a coat from inside, my uncle doesn't say a word, that's why there is such a saying among the people When he said, others protested that it is possible to do this to his uncle, and he did not say anything.
Calls usually enter into endogamous marriages. This principle is sometimes violated in the sub-divisions of the main divisions of calls. But, in general, a "call" man had to marry a "call" woman.
Marriage with mother's relatives is considered the most favorable. Children of brothers and sisters are married in the first generation. There is a double cousin (uncle, aunt, uncle) marriage in the clans. A sister's son is allowed to marry a brother's daughter, that is, a nephew's daughter. In this situation, it is not superfluous to emphasize that the nephew pays the uncle handsomely. A brother's son can also marry a sister's daughter. Stepmother and her children are forbidden to marry. The children of the stepson could marry the children of the stepmother. Among the Zharkurgan customs, it is considered permissible for a stepson to marry a stepmother's daughter from her first husband. Children born from the same father but different mothers cannot marry each other, but their children can marry each other.
It is not allowed to marry a man's two biological sisters or a wife and her nephew at the same time. Two birth sisters can marry two brothers at the same time, in which case the older brother marries the older sister. It should be noted that in the family, girls are transferred according to age, there are few exceptions in this regard. After the death of his wife, a widower marries his wife's sister "baldiz", but this is not obligatory. The parents of the deceased wife can object to such a marriage if they do not like the groom's moral and other qualities. A widower can also marry his wife's niece. It should be said here that a man who wants to start a family for the second time sometimes refuses to marry a close relative of his wife who is "unhealthy by nature" for fear that his wife will die for the second time. If a widower marries his deceased wife's sister or her close relative, he pays a much reduced, i.e. reduced, amount of khin.
If the bride dies after the bridegroom is paid, the groom demands that the next girl in the family be given to her. If the father does not agree, the bridegroom demands the return of the dyke and cites as proof of his right to return the dyke that he has not had sexual relations with her or, more interestingly, that he has no children with her. There is also a custom of levirate in calls. A widow may contest this marriage and marry another. Often, misunderstandings arise on this basis, because the relatives of the deceased try to save his children and property. In such a conflict, the victory often rests with the husband's relatives, because this is helped by a custom that has not yet been destroyed. In the case of the groom's death, the bride is usually transferred to the deceased groom's brother, only in cases where the brother is married or does not want this marriage, the bride is transferred to the brother. Traditions such as sorority and levirate, which testify to the preservation of the foundations of the breeding system, are a vivid example of a woman's inability to independently decide on such an important event of life as marriage.
In conclusion, we can witness that the family-clan relations in the Uzbek kunghirot clan have been passed down from generation to generation, embodying the manifestations of clans in a certain interpretation.
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