Co‑constructing self‑esteem: the relational dynamics of beauty services and client transformation in Brazil

1. Introduction

Beauty services are commonly perceived as routine hygiene or event‑related preparation. Yet salon interactions often trigger shifts in self‑perception that extend beyond technical grooming. A successful visit confers a sense of social legitimacy and renewed poise, whereas an unsatisfactory outcome may induce embarrassment and anxiety. The beauty encounter thus operates as a critical micro‑sociological site where the physical body is acted upon and the individual’s subjective orientation to the social environment is reshaped.

Our central argument is that self‑esteem is not merely an internal psychological resource brought into the salon. It is shaped, confirmed, and contested through interactions in which bodies are observed, interpreted, touched, and corrected. Client transformation is co‑constructed through the coordination of professional expertise, client narratives, cultural ideals, and anticipated external judgements.

Brazil offers a productive context for analysis. In 2022 the country ranked fourth globally in cosmetics consumption (approximately US$26.9 billion), with the salon sector generating about 2.6 million jobs. However, the significance of beauty extends beyond economics. Research demonstrates that aesthetic practices intersect with racialised and gendered forms of belonging. Studies by Gordon, Edmonds, and Jarrín show that body‑care practices can both reproduce inequality and serve as resources for social mobility and self‑definition, particularly within the context of racial ambiguity and “cosmetic citizenship”.

2. Theoretical Framework

2.1. Self‑esteem as a relational achievement

Self‑esteem is defined as an individual’s evaluative orientation toward the self. Following symbolic interactionism (Cooley, Mead), the self is formed through perceptions of how others see us. The self is socially mediated: people interpret reactions and adjust their conduct. Therefore, self‑esteem can be understood as an ongoing achievement of social interpretation. Beauty services intervene in this dynamic by making appearance an explicit object of collaborative attention. Harris and Orth’s meta‑analysis confirms a reciprocal relationship between social relationships and self‑esteem, supporting the view of the salon as a site for the temporary “rehearsal” of recognition.

2.2. The body as an interactional object

The body is both lived experience and a social object. Goffman’s work shows that appearance organises social encounters. Beauty services modify these visible cues. The encounter creates an asymmetry of knowledge: the professional possesses technical skills, while the client holds intimate knowledge of personal history. Transformation depends on the synthesis of these forms of knowledge. Bourdieu’s concept of aesthetic capital explains why some appearances are recognised as legitimate: it is not merely physical attractiveness but also knowledge of grooming practices, confidence in communicating with professionals, and financial capacity.

2.3. Beauty work: agency and constraint

Feminist scholarship has long debated whether beauty practices are mechanisms of domination or expressions of agency. This binary is insufficient. Hair straightening, for instance, may be both aesthetically satisfying and professionally compelled. These motives are not mutually exclusive. Agency does not require the absence of social pressure.

3. The Brazilian Context

3.1. Scale and infrastructure

Brazil’s beauty sector encompasses manufacturing, distribution, salons, and plastic surgery. ABIHPEC data indicate a dense institutional environment where appearance is linked to employability and social inclusion. However, the market is not homogeneous: regional differences (Salvador, São Paulo, Recife) affect norms and service availability.

3.2. Racialised aesthetics and the problem of mestiçagem

Brazilian racial classification has historically been ambiguous. The ideal of mestiçagem (mixture) does not eliminate hierarchy. Research by Gordon and Edmonds shows that body‑care practices among Black middle‑class women constitute a struggle for visibility and respect. A change in hairstyle can be an aesthetic choice, a professional strategy, or a response to discrimination. The analytical task is not to label practices as “authentic” or “false” but to examine the social conditions under which they become meaningful.

3.3. Gendered expectations

Beauty work is highly gendered. Women are expected to maintain a body that appears “natural” yet carefully managed. This creates a continuous demand for maintenance. The body becomes a project requiring monitoring. While this constrains agency, clients may use services to reject conventions or gain advantages in professional settings.

4. A Relational Model of Client Transformation

We propose a four‑stage model: recognition, translation, enactment, and circulation.

Table

Mechanisms of transformation

4.1. Recognition

Recognition is the first condition. It implies that the practitioner acknowledges the client’s history and preferences, avoiding humiliating commentary. Recognition is especially important for clients with stigmatised experiences. The practitioner can interrupt the cycle of shame by normalising variation. Self‑esteem improves not because of “objective” beauty but because the client is treated as worthy of care. The physical environment also matters: diverse images and services signal the client’s legitimacy.

4.2. Translation

Clients rarely arrive with a fully articulated request. Diffuse dissatisfaction (“I look tired”) is translated by the practitioner into a concrete plan. This provides a sense of control and self‑efficacy. However, translation carries power: the practitioner may impose a “deficit” view of the body. The ethical quality depends on whether the client’s narrative remains central. A result that violates the client’s identity weakens confidence.

4.3. Enactment

The salon mirror is not the end but the beginning. The client must embody the new look in daily life. This may alter behaviour (gait, eye contact), triggering positive feedback from the environment. However, the process can be negative if it attracts unwanted attention or causes alienation. Success is measured by the client’s ability to inhabit the new appearance comfortably.

4.4. Circulation

Appearance circulates through social and digital networks, attracting compliments or criticism. The meaning of the service is redefined in each new context. Social media intensifies exposure, increasing comparison. This is consistent with data on the prevalence of body dissatisfaction among Brazilian adolescents. Circulation can consolidate benefits but also turns confidence into dependence on continuous expenditure and monitoring.

5. The Ambivalence of Transformation

5.1. Services as resources for agency

Beauty services can expand agency by providing control over appearance, access to knowledge, and space for identity experimentation. For clients facing stigma, they can offer a judgement‑free space. Hairstyles may express political solidarity or cultural memory.

5.2. Services as mechanisms of discipline

The same infrastructure can intensify discipline, training clients to see their bodies as a sequence of defects. This is particularly burdensome for low‑income individuals, for whom the inability to maintain a desired appearance becomes a personal failure. Racialised discipline is expressed in the devaluation of certain hair textures and skin tones.

5.3. Cosmetic citizenship

The concept of “cosmetic citizenship” links appearance to responsible participation in society. A well‑groomed body is read as a sign of discipline. Investments in appearance may be rational strategies in a discriminatory environment, but this does not justify the underlying inequality.

6. Implications for Research and Practice

6.1. An empirical research agenda

The model requires testing. Qualitative studies should examine consultations, touch, and mirror use. Longitudinal designs are needed to distinguish temporary mood elevation from durable change. Research should be geographically and socially differentiated (Salvador, São Paulo), including LGBTQ+ individuals, people with disabilities, and elderly clients.

6.2. Ethical practice

Practitioners should obtain informed consent and discuss maintenance, budget, and comfort zones. They need competence with diverse hair textures and skin tones. Psychological promises should be avoided: beauty services do not replace therapy for severe body image disorders.

6.3. Policy and education

Regulation can foster inclusivity and occupational safety. Schools should promote media literacy. Improving working conditions for practitioners indirectly supports ethical service relationships.

7. Limitations

This article is a theoretical synthesis and presents no original empirical data. The literature unevenly covers race and gender. Industry data do not allow precise conclusions about client behaviour. Future research should distinguish global self‑esteem from appearance‑specific satisfaction.

8. Conclusion

Beauty services in Brazil are best understood as relational practices that organise interactions between bodies, institutions, and expectations. Their effects emerge through a sequence of recognition, translation, enactment, and circulation. This process is co‑constructed, and self‑esteem is formed at the intersection of subjective interpretation and social response. The Brazilian case demonstrates that beauty cannot be separated from race, class, and gender. The appropriate analytical stance avoids both celebration and condemnation, focusing on the conditions under which beauty work expands social participation rather than narrowing it to conformity. A more ethical beauty culture would redefine transformation as a negotiated process, recognise bodily diversity as ordinary, and separate care from shame.